Who is State Duma deputy Oleg Mashchenko? Krasnodar region. State Duma deputy Oleg Mashchenko: there are few left-wing patriots in the Duma, and the majority passes anti-people laws. See the meaning of Mashchenko, Oleg Ivanovich in other dictionaries

Romantsev Oleg Ivanovich (January) Born on January 4, 1954. Honored coach of Russia, ex-mentor of the Russian national team, the capital clubs Spartak and Dynamo. The name Oleg is from Scandinavian - “sacred”, the patronymic Ivanovich is from Hebrew - “gift of God” " Surname formed

Oleg Mashchenko, State Duma deputy:

Stepan Khutorskoy:
Mashchenko is one of the few in Kuban who is ready for tough and open opposition to the governor’s team - which means our meeting with Oleg Ivanovich was inevitable. There are a number of issues that need to be clarified. The patriots of Kuban found themselves in a trap: Tkachev beats his chest and trumpets his loyalty to Putin - it’s clear that the Kremlin will rely on him; Kondrat’s “Fatherland”, through the mouth of its “father”, chatters uncontrollably about the fight against the “criminal regime” - accordingly, the members of “Fatherland” have no career prospects: Putin will not nominate those who hate him... This is a political trap; and I have suspicions, brothers, that it was built deliberately and not only by Tkachev... Kondrat is almost the main point of disagreement between Mashchenko and me: he is not ready to overcome a good attitude towards the “father”... True, today, like several years ago, He will no longer almost throw his fists at Dyakonov and shout: “Don’t touch Nikolai Ignatovich - this is sacred, you understand?” I think I understand that “not sacred”; and he will still understand what is “through and through false”... So there are still changes... Our discussions with him on this topic almost always end with his request: “Don’t rush, Styopa, we can’t win without Kondrat. The entire Kuban province is for him; they will not accept criticism addressed to him”...

- Olezha, how do you look at the conflict between Tkachev and Priz?

- We can say with all certainty: Tkachev is taking steps to redistribute property in Krasnodar and the “work” done to eliminate Priz and Kiryushin is only a preparatory stage.

- That is, he is building his own “vertical of power” in Kuban – to suit his own interests?

- I will say more: he is already completing this process. Replaced over 30 heads of cities and districts. Pay attention to this detail: his attitude - as in the case of Mostov and Priz - changes to the opposite almost suddenly: he either uncontrollably praised them, then brings down on their heads the full power of the power structures controlled by him and demands his resignation from office. At the same time, the explanation of the reasons is the most vague. Agree, it is difficult to get rid of the impression that some subjective motives lie at the core.

- Don’t you have the feeling that Tkachev is a statesman-minded person?

- There is not even a shadow of such a feeling. I will say more: if there had been an aspect of a “statist” in his personality, I would not have nominated my candidacy in the gubernatorial elections in opposition to him. The interests of the region do not dominate this person. I am convinced that in order to achieve his selfish goals, he will stop at nothing.

- Olezha, there is an understandable problem: Putin needs to rely on someone in the regions. Tkachevs of all stripes are right there - with a willingness to “help”... A little later, however, it turns out that their “loyalty” is not unselfish and they never forget about their interests. The Kremlin doesn’t see this or is it some kind of unspoken conspiracy: they say, you serve us, and we won’t touch you... Then there’s some kind of “vicious circle”...

- The truth is that we need to talk not only about Tkachev, but about the weavers as a phenomenon - that is, about the majority of the country’s governor’s corps. I dare to assure you: the Kremlin knows the price of this “loyalty”, just as they know that it is associated with the satisfaction of their personal business interests. Reforms in the political sphere will put many of them in a very delicate situation... Although, let’s admit, our governor will surpass anyone in terms of the degree of dishonesty. The reason is obvious: Tkachev is a businessman. I am convinced: a person holding a public office should not be involved in business; or engage in government work - or business. One thing. Otherwise, personal interests will “outweigh” state interests – there can be no doubt about that.

Olezha, as I understand it, corruption is when official powers are used for personal gain. Then the question is: how did the fortunes of Tkachev’s “Agrocomplex” increase during the period of his governorship? And in general: what is the turnover of Agrocomplex, how much land, what is the share of the Tkachevs, what is the profit - is it possible to find out all this somewhere? So, you, State Duma deputy, do you know how much land Agrocomplex has?

No. According to rumors, more than 180 thousand hectares; in any case, in Russia, and, perhaps, throughout Europe, Tkachev is the largest landowner. Driving through Vyselkovsky and other areas, one involuntarily recalls the words of a famous fairy tale: “Whose fields are these? – Karabasa-Barabasa... - Whose people are these? -Karabas-Barabas”... But let’s take another aspect of the problem. Where does Tkachev live in Krasnodar? I answer: in a house converted from a kindergarten... The question arises: does the governor have at least some idea of ​​morality? It turns out that the kids were thrown out onto the street so that businessman Tkachev could fatten there now? Look at how many and what kind of cars were purchased for the governor and the regional administration; add here the personal plane and helicopter for the governor... And this is against the backdrop of hundreds of thousands of people who do not know how to get their children ready for school... No, I’m not in favor of Tkachev and his officials walking or riding trams; but you need to weigh your appetites against the real situation in the Kuban economy...

- Does this situation not console you?

The industry of the region is in critical condition; by and large, she is buried. Let's say we enter Krasnodar from Rostov - what do we see? The compressor plant is standing. The radio plant is standing. "Cascade" - worth it. "Saturn" - worth it. We bottle beer on the territory of these factories! The dairy is destroyed. The Kalinin plant no longer exists at all: there is a market on the territory... The Oktyabr plant is also a market... What is the condition of Selmash, Rismash, KhBK, KSK, Sedina... The list goes on... This is only for Krasnodar; On the edge the situation is even worse. Essentially speaking, the industrial potential of the region has been destroyed, but Tkachev’s team not only did not begin to restore it, but did not even develop a program for the revival of industry, and, consequently, there is no industrial policy in the region at all.

Let’s take a quick look at the indicators in agriculture. According to official statistics, the number of agricultural machinery is decreasing; profitability in crop production has been declining throughout the years of Tkachev's rule; the profitability of meat and poultry production is decreasing; the overall profitability in agriculture during the years of his governorship decreased by half... I repeat: these are official statistics.

Nothing is being done in the fuel and energy complex of Kuban. The region consumes 12.6 billion kWh of electricity, of which 5.4 billion is generated at the region's generating facilities, the rest is purchased from outside, that is, we actually subsidize other regions. At the same time, only proven gas reserves in the region amount to 316 billion cubic meters. The annual consumption of natural gas in Kuban is 8.5 billion cubic meters, of which 6.5 billion is supplied from Siberia and the Volga region. Let me note: our own gas would cost us 3-6 times less than transported gas if we had enough supply for decades to come... Does Tkachev have an understanding of these problems? No. Instead of productive work, there is unbridled praise of the governor in the media under his control...

- Olezha, it’s hardly a simple matter to satisfy the energy needs of the region...

Agree. But I'm talking about the lack of a development concept and, as a result, the lack of practical actions. Of course, the energy problem did not arise under Tkachev; It just so happened historically that there are no powerful sources of electricity in the region. Everyone remembers the noisy discussion surrounding the plans for the construction of the Mostovskaya NPP; Without touching on the question of the correctness or incorrectness of the decision taken then to abandon nuclear power plants, I will say: the economic realities of today do not allow us to resume this discussion. Firstly, there are no funds for such a grandiose construction; secondly, the payback period is too long - up to 15 years; thirdly, most of the thermal energy obtained at such stations will have to be disposed of - there is nowhere to use it. Naturally, the cost of electricity will also be high. The most acceptable option for solving this problem in the conditions of Kuban is the construction of mixed-type stations that generate heat and electricity and are located in close proximity to sources of consumption. Small, local stations linked into one network. The cost of one kilowatt of installed capacity of such stations has now been reduced to $450 - against 1200 or more for the construction of large stations. The payback period for small stations is from two and a half to four years. They run on gas, therefore, they are environmentally friendly and can be installed in any locality; they are compact, look modern and aesthetically pleasing. A network of such stations is capable of solving the region’s energy problems - for the same money that we annually transfer from our budget to the budgets of other regions. Let me remind you: energy prices largely determine the entire pricing process...
Similar problems exist in the system of production and consumption of fuels and lubricants. The region produces about 1.5 million high-quality oil; on its territory there are three powerful oil refining complexes - mostly idle or working for someone unknown... The need for, say, diesel fuel for the agricultural needs of the region is about 600 thousand tons. Thus, by taking control of at least what already exists, you can significantly change the situation for the better. Let me give you an example from my recent past. While working as chairman of the regional housing and communal services committee, I, with the permission of Governor N.I. Kondratenko, conducted an experiment on oil refining. For the needs of housing and communal services, heating oil and fuel oil are needed. We purchased 3,000 tons of oil and processed it at the Krasnodar oil refinery. We received heating oil, fuel oil and gasoline. It cost us one and a half times cheaper than on the market. But don’t forget: the oil was given to our factories; Our people work at these factories; these people received salaries and paid taxes to our budget; the enterprise as a whole also paid taxes to our budget... Calculate all this, including the reduction in production costs - and we can talk about a benefit not of one and a half times, but of two or more...

- Tkachev annoys you...

- Our region is unique in all respects, there is no other such region in Russia: we have everything - there is no good owner, there is no person who would think about the people and the interests of the region, and not about the prosperity of his own business.

- Olezha, in the room we’ll talk about the work of law enforcement agencies in the region - do you want to speak?

There are a lot of questions here. These structures seem to be federal, but it is obvious that they are completely “under Tkachev.” The situation that has arisen around the city administration and the Duma suggests that several branches of government have merged in the region - judicial, executive, legislative. It has gotten to the point where a City Duma deputy is being arrested for resisting the authorities! Yes, he himself is the power! This is already permissiveness and legal chaos.

- Olezha, the defeat of the city team of patriots - was it Tkachev’s initiative or a team from the Kremlin?

There is both. Tkachev would not have risked starting such a serious process without first securing support from the Kremlin.

- But I acted on the principle: as you report to your superiors, that’s what they will decide...

- This is very important to understand: the initiator is Tkachev, not the Kremlin. A new stage of privatization is coming: land, medical institutions, universities, cultural institutions... Whatever they say about the Prize, he did not sell a single municipal institution; perhaps this was precisely what became fatal for him. The discrepancy in the views of Tkachev and Priz is explained simply: one thinks about the city, the other continues to do business.

- Then the question is: all this chatter that Tkachev is “Putin’s man”... Does their relationship really deserve a separate discussion?

- No. We can only talk about Tkachev’s desire to look like this, but Putin is not on his level. Although, of course, he secured some support for himself in the presidential administration. I am convinced: when the circumstances of the “defeat” of a successfully working city team reach Putin in an undistorted version, Tkachev will be seriously in trouble... As for “propaganda,” it is appropriate to emphasize this feature of it: as soon as unpopular measures are implemented in the region, then immediately In an unobtrusive form, rumors are skillfully spread that the “good” Tkachev boldly fought for our interests, but the “villains” from the Kremlin turned out to be stronger. This is another touch to the question of his “decency”.

- A problem that you couldn’t help but think about: “the fight against Putin” or “the fight for Putin”? The position of our patriots: if something in the president’s policy does not suit him, it means an “anti-people regime”; Meanwhile, the Kudrinys, Grefs, and Tkachevs are also not happy with many things, but they have a different tactic: they remain on the president’s team at any cost, protecting themselves and maintaining the opportunity to influence him. Different tactics, different results... But, actually, I’m not so much talking about Putin as about Kozak: won’t it turn out that the Tkachevs and Chubs will again outplay you and doom him to rely on them... How then to prevent the plunder of the Kuban?

- This is the correct formulation of the problem. With the only clarification that it is not one of the patriots who should go on a “free voyage” towards the authorities, but this issue needs to be widely discussed together and a decision must be made. Now the position of Fatherland, as in the last elections, boils down to the following: we support Tkachev, we do not support Putin. So, it needs to be changed exactly the opposite: to support Putin in all his good endeavors, and to get rid of Tkachev by any legal means. If such a decision is made, then all other actions will naturally follow from here.

- Olezha, what if I assume that Kondrat will fall to pieces, come up with hundreds of reasons, but will not allow such a decision to be made, which, of course, will be the beginning of a powerful anti-Tkachev campaign? They will start scaring again with Moscow oligarchs, Dyakonovs, etc., so that you will almost have to pray to Tkachev...

- This will not pass - too many questions have accumulated...

Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the third convocation since December 1999, member of the deputy Agro-Industrial Group, member of the Committee on Industry, Construction and High Technologies; born August 19, 1950; graduated from the Polytechnic Institute in 1984; worked as a mechanic at a service station; since 1984 - at housing and communal services enterprises in Krasnodar; 1997-1999 - Chairman of the Housing and Communal Services Committee of the Administration of the Krasnodar Territory; he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation in the Prikubansky single-mandate electoral district No. 42 of the Krasnodar Territory, nominated directly by voters; was elected a member of the presidium, chairman of the audit commission of the Krasnodar regional socio-political movement "Fatherland".

View value Mashchenko, Oleg Ivanovich in other dictionaries

Averin Alexander Ivanovich- (approx. 1884 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP since 1915. 4th year law student. At the end of 1921 he lived in Biysk, Altai province, worked as the head of the extracurricular department of the Biysk Education Department.........
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Adov Sergey Ivanovich— (1901 - ?). Anarchist. Student. Arrested in Petrograd on April 10, 1924. In June 1924 he was sentenced to 3 years in the camps; from the end of June 1924 he was kept in the Solovetsky special purpose camp. In 1927........
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Adodin Averky Ivanovich— (1889 - ?). Socialist revolutionary maximalist. Member of the SSRM. since 1906. In the same year he was arrested. Arrested in Voronezh on October 1, 1921. From 10/17/1921 he was kept in Butyrka prison (Moscow).........
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Akatiev Timofey Ivanovich- (? - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Worker. Member of the AKP since 1910. Low education. At the end of 1921 he worked at the railway depot of Ufa station. Characterized by local security officers........
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Alekhin Yakov Ivanovich- (approx. 1888 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP since 1912. Higher education. At the end of 1921 he lived in Voronezh province and worked as an agronomist. Local security officers characterized him as a “Chernivets”........
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Amosov Nikolay Ivanovich- (1875, Vyatka - ?). Member of the PLSR since 1917. At the end of 1921 he lived in the village of Bori, Vasilievsk volost, Nolinsky district, Vyatka province. He was in charge of the library. Characterized by local security officers........
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Andin Semyon Ivanovich- (? - ?). Anarchist. In 1919-22 in Moscow, he collaborated in the magazine of the All-Russian Federation of Anarchist-Communists "Free Life". From 1921 he worked at the P. A. Kropotkin Museum. 24.4.1925 arrested........
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Andreev Pavel Ivanovich— (1881 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP since 1910. Had no property. Higher education. At the end of 1921 he lived in Biysk, Altai province, worked as the head of the laboratory of Biysk........
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Anisimov Viktor Ivanovich- (November 24, 1875, Kologriv, Kostroma province, according to other sources, November 3, 1875, St. Petersburg, - May 2, 1920, the village of Beloomut, Zaraisk district, Ryazan province). The son of a zemstvo statistician.........
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Anokhin Vasily Ivanovich (party nickname - Tungus)— (1879 - until 1937, Tula). Social Democrat. Member of the RSDLP since the 1900s. Worker (turner at the Tula Arms Plant). Arrested in August 1922 in Tula in connection with the Social-Democratic case. 1.6.1923 received 3 years of exile,........
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Antipin Konstantin Ivanovich- (approx. 1897 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Worker. Member of the AKP since 1914. Literate. At the end of 1921 he lived in Voronezh province. (Voronezh?), worked as a turner at a factory. Characterized by local security officers........
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Arkhipov Nikolay Ivanovich- (1891, Vologda province - ?). Anarchist (former Bolshevik). From peasants. Low education. Sailor of the Baltic Fleet, engine foreman of the battleship Petropavlovsk. In 1920 excluded.......
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Astafiev Mikhail Ivanovich- (approx. 1894 - ?). Social Democrat. Worker. Low education. Member of the RSDLP since 1908. At the end of 1921 he lived in Ufa province, worked as an assistant driver. Characterized by local security officers........
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Astrov Nikolay Ivanovich— (1868, Moscow, – August 12, 1934, Prague). From a doctor's family. Graduated from the Faculty of Law of Moscow University (1892). Since the 1890s worked in the Moscow city government,........
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Atamanovsky Vitold Ivanovich- (approx. 1877 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP since 1918. Had no property. Secondary education. At the end of 1921 he lived in Altai province, worked as an instructor in education. Local........
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Afonin Nikita Ivanovich- (approx. 1881 - ?). Social Democrat. Employee. Member of the RSDLP since 1905. At the end of 1921 he lived in Moscow, worked as the head of a special department of the Glavproarm (?). Characterized by local security officers........
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Akhmatov Ivan Ivanovich— (12/19/1886, Tula - 5/8/1939). Member of the RSDLP since 1905, since 1927 - communist. Higher education. Member of the Constituent Assembly of the Far Eastern Republic. At the end of 1921 he lived in the Irkutsk province. Characterized by local security officers........
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Akhtyrsky Konstantin Ivanovich- (? - ?). Anarchist. In 1923 he was kept in Butyrskaya and Taganskaya prisons (Moscow). From June 1923 in the Arkhangelsk concentration camp. Further fate is unknown. NIPC "Memorial".
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Batura Alexander Ivanovich- (? - ?). Anarchist. He served his sentence in the Solovetsky special purpose camp, then was exiled to Siberia for 3 years. By the end of 1930 he was released, received a "minus 6", settled in Dnepropetrovsk.........
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Belikov Alexander Ivanovich- (approx. 1883 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP since 1903. Agronomist. Secondary education. At the end of 1921 he lived in Vladimir and worked in Gubleskom. Characterized by local security officers........
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Belozersky Konstantin Ivanovich- (approx. 1882 - ?). Social Democrat. Higher education. Member of the RSDLP. He served in the army of Admiral A.V. Kolchak (rose to the rank of lieutenant). At the end of 1921 he lived in Irkutsk province, worked......
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Belchenko Ivan Ivanovich- (approx. 1885 - ?). Social Democrat. Locksmith. Low education. Member of the RSDLP since 1903. At the end of 1921 he lived in Kaluga, worked in the Kaluga station depot. Characterized by local security officers........
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Bondovsky Mikhail Ivanovich- (approx. 1881 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP since 1917. Railway worker. Education "technical". At the end of 1921 he worked at the Ufa station depot. Characterized by local security officers........
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Bordyukov Afanasy Ivanovich- (2.12.1902 - ?). Social Democrat. Arrested on April 10, 1924 in Petrograd. On 5/16/1924 he was sentenced to 3 years in a concentration camp, and on 6/10/1924 he was transferred to SLON. Further fate is unknown.
FROM.
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Borodulin Sergey Ivanovich— (? -? ?). Member of the PLSR. Peasant. At the end of 1921 he lived in the Bryansk province and worked in the household. Further fate is unknown.
M.L.
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Brilliantov Alexander Ivanovich- (approx. 1875 - ?). Socialist revolutionary. Member of the AKP. "Priest". Education is "spiritual". At the end of 1921 he lived in Ufa and worked at the Gubprodkom. Local security officers characterized him as an “organizer”.........
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Buevich Joseph Ivanovich- (05/3/1883, Vorgutyevo village, Mogilev province - 01/25/1964, Moscow), member of the PLSR from 1917 to 1919. Since August 1919, member of the RCP (b). From peasants. From the age of 9 he was a complete orphan. Started working at the age of 12: as a helper........
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Burtsev Alexey Ivanovich- (c.1895 - ?). Social Democrat. Woodworker. In the mid-1920s he was in exile in Tashkent. Arrested in 1932 in Leningrad. In the same year he was exiled to Tashkent, in October 1932 he was........
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Burtsev Safon Ivanovich- (1881). Anarchist. From the peasants of Smolensk province. He graduated from a rural school. Worker. Since 1905, member of the AKP in Vyazma, participant in the Revolution of 1905-07. Since 1909 in the group of anarchist-communists of Vyazma,........
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Butvin Vasily Ivanovich- (? - ?). Member of the PLSR since 1917. Peasant. “Inferior” education. At the end of 1921 he lived in the Vologda province and was a member of an artel. Local security officers characterized him as “active”.......
Political dictionary

Born on August 19, 1950 in the town of Bryanka, Voroshilovgrad region (Ukrainian SSR). Education - Bryansk State Technical University (electrical mechanic, 1969), Krasnodar Polytechnic Institute (mechanical engineer, 1982). He worked as a mechanic at a car service station in the town of Bryanka, Voroshilovgrad Region in 1969), served in the military construction troops, and after graduation he lived and worked in Krasnodar. He worked in military unit 18834 - as an aircraft repairman, driver, galvanizer (1972 - 1977), in the Krasnodar production enterprise of the Central Council of the Water Rescue Society - as a foreman, senior foreman (1977 - 1980), in the Krasnodar specialized project - design bureau of the association "Soyuzorglestekhmontazh" (later - Southern installation and commissioning association "Yugorglestekhmontazh") foreman, engineer, deputy. head department, section chief. Since 1984, head of the self-supporting section of the road construction and improvement trust in the Oktyabrsky district of Krasnodar, since 1986, head of the housing and communal services department of the Oktyabrsky district of Krasnodar, since 1989, deputy general director of the territorial production association of housing and communal services of Krasnodar region (in November 1994, transformed into JSC Kubzhik). In 1997 - 1999 General Director of the state unitary enterprise “Kraizhilkomkhoz”, Chairman of the Housing and Communal Services Committee of the Administration of the Krasnodar Territory. Elected in December 1999 as a deputy of the State Duma in the 42nd Prikubansky electoral district: he was nominated by a group of voters, supported by the regional movement "Fatherland (Kondratenko)", received 42.4%. He was a member of the Agro-Industrial Deputy Group, a member of the Committee on Industry, Construction and High Technologies, and the Anti-Corruption Commission. He was re-elected to the State Duma in December 2003 on the list of the Rodina bloc (Kuban regional group). Member of the Committee on Industry, Construction and High Technologies, Chairman of the Expert Council of the Committee on Housing Legislation and Housing and Communal Services Reform. In January 2004, he was nominated as a candidate for governor of the Krasnodar Territory (self-nomination), and was considered as the only serious competitor to governor Nikolai Tkaechev. The Regional Electoral Commission refused to register O. Mashchenko on the grounds that in the voter signatures submitted to him the proportion of invalid signatures was higher than permissible, and in the deposit he paid over 30% were funds from enterprises with state participation. Member of the CPSU since 1973. Member of the presidium, chairman of the audit commission of the Krasnodar regional people's patriotic movement "Fatherland (Kondratenko)". Member of the Board of the Russian Union of Commodity Producers (April 2001). Deputy Chairman - Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Patriotic Party of Russia (February 2002).